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This draft of Where Are We Going?, Chapter 5 of Dr. King's book Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? was significantly edited before publication but the central ideas are here. The government's failure to develop economic justice programs cannot be blamed on the Civil Rights Movement's lack of ideas, as often claimed. Building the political will for change is more important for the movement. The rights of Negroes to economic well-being are well aligned with goals and tactics of the labor movement. Negro leadership needs to be developed from within the community.
Mrs. Sharp commends Dr. King for his open opposition to the Vietnam War. She further requests copies of his April 4, 1967 speech before New York's Riverside Church, in order to raise political awareness and garner support against the war effort.
Robert S. Bilheimer, Associate General Secretary for the World Council of Churches, invites Dr. King to attend a consultation on Christian Practices and Desirable Action in Social Change and Race Relations.
Mr. Elkind discusses recent actions of the SNCC and the SCLC's plans for a massive civil disobedience campaign. He believes that the actions made by the SNCC will lead to violence and also "alienate" supporters of civil rights legislation. He views Dr. King's plans for a massive civil disobedience campaign to be unlawful, and therefore suggests a different approach for Dr. King to take.
In this letter Mr. Farrar writes, "Dr. King symbolized for me the celebrant of the century in terms of newness of life in Jesus Christ." With a deep sense of gratitude he reveals the indelible affect Dr. King had on his life and his ministry, as a white middle class male.
William Rutherford recounts his difficulties trying to contact Dr. King while he was in the United States. He goes on to express interest in doing fundraising programs for SCLC in Europe, as well as, mobilizing public opinion in support of the cause.
This SCLC bulletin to supporters details the organization's progress in numerous locations, including its growing presence in northern cities such as Cleveland, Operation Breadbasket in Chicago, and the Citizenship Education Program. A "Fiscal Facts" section stresses that Dr. King receives no salary from SCLC, nor any other income from his work with the organization.
Bea Stanley writes to Dr. King during his confinement at the Jefferson County Courthouse Jail. Stanley informs him that many of his supporters and friends are concerned regarding his health and safety, and also updates him on the progress of one of his publications.
Dr. King writes to the administrator of wage hour and public contracts division for the U.S. Department of Labor, Clarence Lundquist. In this telegram, Dr. King requests that Lundquist investigate a violation of the Fair Labor Standards Act at Seapak Shrimp Factories. It is here that African Americans were told to sign statements that said they were handicapped. If the forms were signed the African American workers received significantly lower wages than before.
The SCLC releases a copy of the resolution, "To Fulfill These Rights," created by the SCLC's Alabama staff and sent to the White House Conference. Hosea Williams states in the resolution that Negroes who voted in the primary were intimidated by white segregationist to not vote in the run-off.
This outline of the initiative of The Chicago League of Negro Voters titled "The Chicago Plan," was constructed in a effort to bring together the Negro Voters in the city of Chicago in 1959.
Murray A. Gordon, a New York lawyer and national vice president of the American Jewish Congress, endorses the Bundy School-Decentralization plan. Mr. Gordon believes that the reform is essential to good education and assures teachers that the plan will not violate their rights.
This passage provides a reason as to why the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom had to occur. The Brown vs. Board Supreme Court decision, the Prayer Pilgrimage, and other peaceful demonstrations all resulted in the march.